Once processed as commodity, all rebellion is
reduced to the image of rebellion, first as spectacle, and last as simulation. (See
Debord, Baudrillard, etc.) The more powerful the dissent as art (or discourse)
the more powerless it becomes as commodity. In a world of Global Capital, where all media
function collectively as the perfect mirror of Capital, we can recognize a global Image or
universal imaginaire, universally mediated, lacking any outside or margin. All
Image has undergone Enclosure, and as a result it seems that all art is rendered powerless
in the sphere of the social. In fact, we can no longer even assume the existence of any
sphere of the social. All human relations can beand areexpressed as
commodity relations.
In this situation, it would seem
reform has also become an impossibility, since all partial ameliorizations of
society will be transformed (by the same paradox that determines the global Image) into
means of sustaining and enhancing the power of the commodity. For example,
reform and democracy have now become code-words for the forcible
imposition of commodity relations on the former Second and Third Worlds.
Freedom means freedom of corporations, not of human societies.
From this point of view, I have grave
reservations about the reform program of the anti-Drug-Warriors and
legalizationists. I
would even go so far as to say that I am against legalization.
Needless to add that I consider the Drug War an
abomination, and that I would demand immediate unconditional amnesty for all
prisoners of consciousnessassuming that I had any power to make demands!
But in a world where all reform can be instantaneously turned into new means of control,
according to the paradox sketched in the above paragraphs, it makes no sense
to go on demanding legalization simply because it seems rational and humane.
For example, consider what might result from the
legalization of medical marijuanaclearly the will of the people in at
least six states. The herb would instantly fall under drastic new regulations from
Above (the AMA, the courts, insurance companies, etc.). Monsanto would
probably acquire the DNA patents and intellectual ownership of the
plants genetic structure. Laws would probably be tightened against illegal marijuana
for recreational uses. Smokers would be defined (by law) as sick.
As a commodity, Cannabis would soon be denatured like other legal
psychotropics such as coffee, tobacco, or chocolate.
Terence McKenna once pointed out that virtually
all useful research on psychotropics is carried out illegally and is often largely funded
from underground. Legalization would make possible a much tighter control from above over all
drug research. The valuable contributions of the entheogenic underground would probably
diminish or cease altogether. Terence suggested that we stop wasting time and energy
petitioning the authorities for permission to do what were doing, and simply get on
with it.
Yes, the Drug War is evil and irrational. Let us
not forget, however, that as an economic activity, the War makes quite good sense.
Im not even going to mention the booming corrections industry, the
bloated police and intelligence budgets, or the interests of the pharmaceutical cartels.
Economists estimate that some ten percent of circulating capital in the world is
gray money derived from illegal activity (largely drug and weapon sales). This
gray area is actually a kind of free-floating frontier for Global Capital itself, a small
wave that precedes the big wave and provides its sense of direction. (For
example gray money or offshore capital is always the first to migrate from
depressed markets to thriving markets.) War is the health of the State as
Randolph Bourne once saidbut war is no longer so profitable as in the old days of
booty, tribute and chattel slavery. Economic war increasingly takes its place, and the
Drug War is an almost pure form of economic war. And since the Neo-liberal
State has given up so much power to corporations and markets since 1989, it
might justly be said that the War on Drugs constitutes the health of Capital
itself.
From this perspective, reform and legalization
would clearly be doomed to failure for deep infrastructural reasons, and
therefore all agitation for reform would constitute wasted efforta tragedy of
misdirected idealism. Global Capital cannot be reformed because all
reformation is deformed when the form itself is distorted in its very essence. Agitation
for reform is allowed so that an image of free speech and permitted dissidence can be
maintained, but reform itself is never permitted. Anarchists and Marxists were right to
maintain that the structure itself must be changed, not merely its secondary
characteristics. Unfortunately the movement of the social itself seems to have
failed, and even its deep underlying structures must now be re-invented almost
from scratch. The War on Drugs is going to go on. Perhaps we should consider how to act as
warriors rather than reformers. Nietzsche says somewhere that he has no interest in
overthrowing the stupidity of the law, since such reform would leave nothing for the
free spirit to accomplishnothing to overcome. I
wouldnt go so far as to recommend such an immoral and starkly
existentialist position. But I do think we could do with a dose of stoicism.
Beyond (or aside from) economic considerations,
the ban on (some) psychotropics can also be considered from a shamanic
perspective. Global Capital and universal Image seem able to absorb almost any
outside and transform it into an area of commodification and control. But
somehow, for some strange reason, Capital appears unable or unwilling to absorb the
entheogenic dimension. It persists in making war on mind-altering or transformative
substance, rather than attempting to co-opt and hegemonize their power.
In other words it would seem that some sort of
authentic power is at stake here. Global Capital reacts to this power with the same basic
strategy as the Inquisitionby attempting to suppress it from the outside rather than
control it from within. (Project MKULTRA was the governments secret
attempt to penetrate the occult interior of psychotropism-it appears to have failed
miserably.) In a world that has abolished the Outside by the triumph of the Image, it
seems that at least one outside nevertheless persists. Power can deal with
this outside only as a form of the unconscious, i.e., by suppression rather than
realization. But this leaves open the possibility that those who manage to attain
direct awareness of this power might actually be able to wield it and
implement it. If entheogenic neo-shamanism (or whatever you want to call it) cannot
be betrayed and absorbed into the power-structure of the Image, then we may hypothesize
that it represents a genuine Other, a viable alternative to the one world of
triumphant Capital. It is (or could be) our source of power.
The Magic of the State (as M. Taussig
calls it), which is also the magic of Capital itself, consists of social control through
the manipulation of symbols. This is attained through mediation, including the ultimate
medium, money as hieroglyphic text, money as pure Imagination as social
fiction or mass hallucination. This real illusion has taken the place of both
religion and ideology as delusionary sources of social power. This power therefore
possesses (or is possessed by) a secret goal; that all human relations be defined
according to this hieroglyphic mediation, this magic. But neo-shamanism
proposes with all seriousness that another magic may exist, an effective mode of
consciousness that cannot be hexed by the sign of the commodity. If this were so, it would
help explain why the Image appears unable or unwilling to deal rationally with
the issue of drugs. In fact, a magical analysis of power might emerge
from the observed fact of this radical incompatibility of the Global Imaginaire and
shamanic consciousness.
In such a case, what could our power
consist of in actual empirical terms? I am far from proposing that winning the
War on Drugs would somehow constitute The Revolutionor even that shamanic
power could contest the magic of the State in any strategic manner. Clearly however
the very existence of entheogenism as a true differencein a world where true
difference is deniedmarks the historic validity of an Other, of an authentic
Outside. In the (unlikely) event of legalization, this Outside would be breached, entered,
colonized, betrayed, and turned into sheer simulation. A major source of initiation,
still accessible in a world apparently devoid of mystery and of will, would be dissolved
into empty representation, a pseudo-rite of passage into the timeless/spaceless enclosure
of the Image. In short, we would have sacrificed our potential power to the ersatz reform
of legalization, and we would win nothing thereby but the simulacrum of tolerance at the
expense of the triumph of Control.
Again: I have no idea what our strategy shall
be. I believe however that the time has come to admit that a tactics of mere
contingency can no longer sustain us. Permitted dissent has become an empty
category, and reform merely a mask for recuperation. The more we struggle on
their terms the more we lose. The drug legalization movement has never won a
single battle. Not in America anywayand America is the sole superpower
of Global Capital. We boast of our outlaw status as outsiders or marginals, as guerilla
ontologists; why then, do we continually beg for authenticity and validation (either as
reward or as punishment) from authority? What good would it do us
if we were to be granted this status, this legality?
The Reform movement has upheld true rationality
and it has championed real human values. Honor where honor is due. Given the profound
failure of the movement however, might it not be timely to say a few words for the
irrational, for the irreducible wildness of shamanism, and even a single word for the
values of the warrior? Not peace, but a sword.